‘There can only be a political solution to this conflict’ – Beyond statements, tangible support to local peacebuilders must complement high level political dialogue and resolutions
Bénédicte Aboul-Nasr, Senior Programmes Officer, Great Lakes- Peace Direct
The first two months of 2025 have been bleak in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Following the resurgence of the Mouvement du 23 mars (M23)/Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC) in 2021, the conflict took a turn for the worst in December 2024, prompting a widespread humanitarian and political crisis. Despite blockages to the provision of aid and humanitarian support, local peacebuilding organisations, including women-led and women’s rights organisations, have remained at the forefront of efforts to protect their communities and promote their participation in peace processes. Peace Direct has worked with such local peacebuilding organisations across Ituri, North Kivu, and South Kivu since 2007, supporting their efforts to transform conflict in their respective provinces. Partners’ have had to pivot to fill gaps left by funding cuts, blocked access, and the expanding military occupation of North and South Kivu.
Stated support and humanitarian efforts, with limited impact for local communities
After gaining significant ground in January, M23 attacked the city of Goma on the night of 26-27 January. Over four days, an estimated 3,000 people were killed. Warehouses and hospitals have been looted, hospitals attacked, and refugee camps bombed. In one particularly egregious incident, the UN estimates that at least 165 women were raped during the Muzenze prison break on 27 January. In February, M23 took the capital of South Kivu, Bukavu, displacing tens of thousands across the border into Burundi. Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced.
International condemnation was swift, though concrete action much slower. Governments of the United Kingdom, United States, the European Union (EU), have expressed concerns at the scale of the crisis and suffering. United Nations Security Council adopted a Resolution on 21 February, calling on Rwanda to withdraw from DRC and cease its support to M23, and on the Government of Congo to cease supporting armed groups including the Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR), whose existence Rwanda seeks to dismantle. The European Parliament called on the European Commission and Council to suspend the EU’s Memorandum of Understanding on Sustainable Raw Minerals Value Chains with Rwanda. The US Government imposed sanctions against Rwandan officials, while the UK announced a set of limited measures against the Rwandan government.
Despite these actions, M23 have continued their advance and taken control of Bukavu, the capital of South Kivu. Citizens in Uvira, bordering with Burundi, have experienced fighting between the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC) and the Wazalendo (‘patriots’), groups of combatants fighting alongside FARDC, alongside serious fears that M23 may try to take control of Uvira itself. The relationship between Burundi, bordering Uvira, and Rwanda has declined for months.
Confronting discrepancies and their disproportionate impact on women and girls
TDRC adopted a National Action Plan for Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) in 2018, for the period between 2018-2022, and made commitments to strengthen the participation of women in politics and in the economy. While many civil society organisations and networks aim to strengthen the WPS Agenda, systemic issues remain, including violations of women’s rights and the use of sexual and gender-based violence in conflict.
In contrast, Rwanda is broadly recognised to engage meaningfully with Women, Peace and Security Agenda. The government last adopted a National Action Plan (NAP) in 2018. The Constitution mandates at least 30% of women in elected positions, with a higher level of representation to date in certain chambers. The country seeks to end gender inequality in line with the Sustainable Development Goals, and includes strong female participation in government, at the national and local levels, and across sectors. In the aftermath of the 1994 Genocide, this was deemed essential to support reconstruction efforts and promote stability for Rwandans. Protecting the rights and dignity of all affected by conflict, not only through inclusion but also meaningful participation in decision-making processes, is critical. But such respect for women’s rights and gender minorities must extend beyond borders, including in any military operations abroad – a glaring gap for Rwanda considering its role in the violence that women and girls in DRC have faced since M23’s resurgence in 2021, at exponential rates.
Linking humanitarian, peacebuilding, and WPS: connecting the disconnected to promote dialogue and peace
So far, military efforts to curb the escalation have failed, as diplomatic efforts have stalled and the international community bemoans the humanitarian crisis. While the Angolan Government announced it will will enter discussions with M23 to facilitate negotiations and revive the Luanda process, both Burundi and Uganda have bolstered their military presence in eastern DRC.
Humanitarian aid is critical, and statements to this effect are crucial. Yet statements come against a backdrop of major funding cuts –the impact on programming related to the rights of women, girls and marginalised groups have been the starkest. While the USAID cuts are the most drastic, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and other European governments have followed suit.
Our DRC partners speak of the humanitarian crisis, but also, and critically, of the need for the international community and stakeholders within the region to recognise the nuances of the region to meaningfully contribute to peacebuilding endeavours and peace processes. This requires that the international community, NGOs, stakeholders engaged with the region, foster inclusive dialogues, and inclusive spaces for marginalised communities and groups. It requires a clear commitment to justice and accountability, dedicated to dismantling the cycles of violence of the last 30 years.
The international community must leverage its position to support the region’s residents, beyond political and economic imperatives. In February, the African Union, East African Community, and South African Development Community, all exhorted the conflicting parties to resume dialogue. For any such dialogue to be sustainable and peace process to resume, the international community should increase support to these efforts, and to grassroots and national organisations, for their voices and perspectives to be heard. Women rights organisations, and women-led organisations, are most at risk and least likely to receive such support; centring them is critical.
Efforts must reflect the complexity and nuances that exist amongst communities in eastern DRC and in the broader Great Lakes region, and the Global North must meaningfully address the economic drivers of the conflict. Those who stand to bear this brunt are communities across the region, first and foremost women, girls, and marginalised groups.